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Why know about Economics?

We want to know about economics so we are not cheated out of our retirement, our savings, our right to earn a living, our ability to generate income, and to comprehend where our tax dollars are going and what we want them to do for us and our community.  Economics also generate the context in which our quality of life issues depend.  

In our Machiavellian Economics Section we present the Introduction to "The Prince"  and "The Discourses".  The distinction between Machiavelli the man and Machiavellianism is an important one to understand.  Before he wrote The Prince, he wrote The Discourses, which provide fairly reasonable directives to generating a democratic government.  The Prince, on the other hand, gives directions on how to generate artifice instead of art, how to deceive our opponent sufficiently to win whatever we are after...  

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About Us

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with our money: what kinds of goods and services we are creating for each other and our world.  EC considers the effects on our civilized world before we move forward on ideas from which we hope to generate profit. We don't need police to do this; we need only to be regulated and to certify our work so that people can build trust.  

Government and Taxes is where we examine what is up in that neighborhood.... there is more than the eye can tell and we would be very happy if people from different departments  of the government could clue us in and give us access to some programs that we need to know exist in order to work our democracy.  

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Let's learn for our children if nothing else.

Economic History traces the practices of goods and services from the root and nut gatherers to sitting on the evolutionary brink of Enlightened Capitalism's birth.  

more to come....

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"We live today in the shadow of a Florentine, the man who above all others taught the world to think in terms of cold political power.   His name was Niccolo Machiavelli, and he was one of those rare intellectuals who write about politics because they have had a hand in politics and learned what it is about.  His portraits show a thin-faced, pale little man, with a sharp nose, sunken cheeks, subtle lips, a discreet and enigmatic smile, and piercing black eyes that look as if they knew much more than they were willing to tell.

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There is little we can say for certain about his early years.  He was born in 1469, of a family that was part of the small and impoverished gentry of Florence.  His father, a lawyer, tried desperately to keep his family from slipping down into the ranks of the middle class.  Niccolo must have had the sort of boyhood that most children had in the homes and on the streets of Florence in the quattrocento.  He steps onto the threshold of history in 1498, already a young man of twenty-nine, only a month after the execution of the friar-politican Savonarola, who had dominated the last decades of the dying fifteenth century in Florence.  At that time, Machiavelli got a minor job as secretary to the Second Chancery, an office he was to hold for fourteen years.

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He was what we should call today a Braintruster and bureaucrat.  He loved his job as idea-man for some of the stuffed-shirt Florentine politicians.  And because he was so good at it, the stuffed shirts came to regard him as someone on whose shoulders they could place the burden of administrative work...the man who got papers drawn up and orders sent out and correspondence carried on and records kept.  In due time...since Florence like the other Italian city-states in an age of intrigue depended on skillful diplomacy for its survival...they broadened the scope of his work and sent him on diplomatic missions.  In the course of a decade he visited as an unofficial emissary every important city-state in Italy and several of

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the courts outside of Italy.  He sent back reports which still may be read for their tough understanding of diplomatic realities.  Invariably he acquitted himself well; he met the movers and the shakers of the world, and the narrow horizon of the Florentine expanded into the vistas of the European state-system.  

It was thus that Machiavelli was in a position to become the first modern analyst of power.  Where others looked at the figureheads, he kept his eyes glued behind the scenes.  He sought the ultimate propulsion of events.  He wanted to know what made things tick; he wanted to take the clock of the world to pieces to find out how it worked.  He went on

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foreign missions, organized the armies of Florence, carried through successfully the long protracted siege of Pisa.  Yet always he was concerned with what these experiences could teach him about the nature of power.  

In an age of portraiture it was natural that he too should be a painter, but his subjects never know they were sitting for him.  He studied Pope Julius II, the secular princes, the condottieri; above all he studied Caesar Borgia, the Duke Valentino, who came closer to embodying the naked ideal of power than any other person Machiavelli had met.  There was in Machiavelli, as in Savonarola, an intense and searing flame, and the things it fed were not such things as religious dreams are made of.  

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A man like this might have lived out his days, tasted somewhat of power, known what it was to run a state from behind the scenes as an underling, and died leaving behind him some excellent diplomatic reports, a few plays, and some polished verses in the style of the times.  But Machiavelli's destiny was different.  

The petty dynasties and the bourgeois merchant princes who ruled the Italian city-states played their fateful game of chessboard diplomacy all through the fifteenth century until finally in the sixteenth it led to disaster for all of them.  This is not the place to review the succession of maneuvers by which France, Spain, Germany and the Papacy vied for the supremacy over Italy.  

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When, after the League of Cambrai, a split developed between France and the Papacy, Florence stuck to its basic alliance with France.  When Julius II drove the French from Italy, Florence was lost; and not even the new citizen army that Machiavelli had trained could withstand the combined force of the Pope's prestige and his Swiss mercenaries.  One of the conditions of the papal peace was the restoration of the Medici in Florence.  And so, Machiavelli, who had always been staunchly republican and anti-Medici, found himself in 1512 at the age of forty-three a dejected liberal without a job in a world that had come tumbling down about his ears.

He tried to make his peace with the Medici, but to no avail.  There was a

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witch-hunting atmosphere in Florence, and everyone was suspect who had ever been identified with the liberal cause.  Two ardent young republican conspirators had evidently made a list of those on whom they thought they might rely for aid, and Machiavelli's name was on the list.  He was arrested, drawn by the rope, tortured.  But he was plainly innocent, and finally was released.  He slunk off to a small suburban farm near Florence, and for the next fourteen years until his death his letters are full of pleas to be reinstated in the favor of the Medici and the Pope, plans to recommend himself to them, strategies by which his abilities could be brought to their attention.  It is, as so many commentators have pointed out, neither a pretty nor a graceful

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picture.  Yet we must reflect that Machiavelli out of office felt himself a vessel without use. The letters he has left us during this period, for all their bitter pride and the unbreakable gaiety of their style, show that reinstatement in office spelled for him nothing less than a return to life.

Ironically, it was this period of his disgrace that represents the high point of his creative power.  The enforced leisure compelled him to fall back on himself.  Finding himself after fourteen years deprived of his job, he felt shut in like a bird in a cage.  The result was his books: his solitary song.  More and more he retreated to his study and his mind.  From them came The Prince, the Art of War, The Discourses, the HIstory of Florence; various

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plays, among them a first-rate comedy, Mandragola; poetry, stories, biographical sketches.  The civil servant, the politician, the diplomat, the military organizer had become a man of letters malgre lui.

There remains only the final ironic act.  In 1527 the papal armies were defeated and Rome sacked by the soldiers of Charles V.  At this the popular party in Florence overthrew the Medici and for a short time restored democratic government.  Machiavelli had hurried back to Florence, eager to regain his post as secretary.  But he never stood a real chance.  The Prince, circulated in manuscript, had made him enemies; the dull men who had it in their power to dispense office feared his brilliance and his wit.  Mercifully Machiavelli fell sick and never learned that the final vote of the Council was overwhelmingly against him.

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Before the news came he was dead.  And so a man who had hoped for the ultimate glory of being restored to the Florentine civil service died, leaving behind him nothing but the memory of a few books he had written in his exile.  

2

There is a famous letter from Machiavelli to his friend Vettori, the Florentine ambassador at the Papal Court in Rome, in which he describes the tenor of his life on the farm, and the relief that he finds among books in his study.

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It was the period of the great humanist revival of ancient learning.  The books Machiavelli read were the traditional Latin authors and (since he probably did not know Greek) the Greek authors in Latin translation.  And as he read there came crowding back into his mind the varied experiences of his life; and out of the fusion of reading and experience came new insights into politics, at first jotted down in the form of notes which eventually formed themselves into a vast book.

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That book was not The Prince.  There are clear indications that Machiavelli started to write what afterward became The Discourses, planned on a grand scale.  But as he wrote in his study, things were happening in the world outside.  There was a new Pope in Rome, a new regime in Italy; The Pope was carving out a new state in Italy and placing his nephew Giuliano at its head.  What more natural than to wish to influence this new prince and recommend oneself to his favor?  Perhaps one could once more thus have a hand in world affairs, and...who knows?...set  in motion a train of forces that might arrest the  

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decadence of the Italian communes and free Italy from the invaders.  But The Discourses were too vast to finish quickly, and their form was far too sprawling for the purpose.  And so, carving out of The Discourses certain sections and ideas, Machiavelli proceeded to recast them in the form of a short treatise, De Principatibus.  Eventually he changed the title from the Latin abstract to the Italian personal, Il Principe.  The book was written in 1513 at an almost white heat, in what was probably only a few months.  Dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, it was presented to him and by him neglected and forgotten.  It was, however, circulated in manuscript during Machiavelli's lifetime, surreptitiously copied and corrupted, and achieved an underground fame.  

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SInce his death it has been one of the half dozen books that have done most to shape Western thought.

What gives The Prince its greatness?  It is not a great formal treatise on politics.  It is bare of any genuine insights into social organization as the basis of politics.  It has very little passion in it - so little that, because the final chapter crackles and glows with Machiavelli's fervor for the unification of Italy, some commentators have suggested that it is not an organic part of the book but was added as an afterthought.

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It has been pretty well proved, morever, by recent scholarship that Machiavelli's little pamphlet on princes is not even original in form.  It is part of a whole traditional literature on princes that stretches back to the Middle Ages.  The structure of the book, its division into chapters and even some of the chapter headings follow the conventional form of what has been called the mirror-of-princes literature: the discussion of how to rule conquered territory, what advisers a prince should rely on, how he should conduct himself among the intrigues of diplomacy, whether he should depend mainly on fortified castles or entrenched camps in warfare.

 

But the intellectual spirit that pervades the book is quite another matter.  

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Here we are in the presence of something little short of a revolution in political thinking.  The humanists who had written books about princes had written in the idealistic and scholastic medieval tradition; they were ridden by theology and metaphysics.  Machiavelli rejected metaphysics, theology, idealism.  The whole drift of his work is toward a political realism, unknown to the formal writing of his time.

I say unknown to the formal writing.  That does not mean it was unknown to his time.  Machavelli was expressing the realism that characterized the actual politics and the popular ethos of his time.  Take, for example, some sentences from the famous eighteenth

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chapter, "In What Way Princes Must Keep Faith".  The Achilles myth of the centaur, he writes, teaches us that we are "semi-animal, semi-human" and that "a prince must know how to use both natures"... "A prince being thus obliged to know well how to act as a beast must imitate the fox and the lion, for the lion cannot protect himself from traps, and the fox cannot defend himself from wolves.:..."A prudent ruler ought not to keep faith when by so doing it would be against his interest, and when the reasons which made him bind himself no longer exist."  "It is not, therefore, necessary for a prince to have all the above-named qualities, but it is very necessary to seem to have them."  When Machiavelli wrote thus he was not creating a new ethos, whatever we may think of it; he was expressing the ethos of the late  quattrocento and the early cinquecento not only

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in Florence but in the whole of Italy.  Machiavelli was, in short, the child of his time: neither better nor worse than the other intellectuals, politicians, diplomats and civil servants of his time.

He was able, using the traditional humanist literary forms, to pour into them a realistic political spirit which his age was acting on but which had never before been so well expressed in political thought.  He had the daring to turn against the whole idealistic preoccupation of the humanists.  He had the clear-eyed capacity to distinguish between man as he ought to be and man as he actually is...between the ideal form of institutions and the pragmatic conditions under which they operate.

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But if we have come close to his greatness here, we have not wholly succeeded in ensnaring it.  There have been other men who have expressed the consciousness of their period.  They have in very few instances achieved the highest rank in the history of ideas.  And while those who content themselves with seeing Machiavelli thus in the context of his time may succeed thereby in countering the charges made against him of being a sort of anti-Christ who had created a new immorality, they do not thereby get at the roots of his greatness.  

To take a further step in our analysis, we must see that Machiavelli, while he expressed the ethical consciousness of his time, was also a good deal ahead of his time in other respects.  He lived in a period when economic   

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growth had gone so far as to burst the bounds of existing political forms.  What gave the city-states of Italy their Renaissance grandeur was not some mysterious flowering of the humanist spirit at the time.  It was the fact that with the opening of the East by the crusades, the breakup of the manorial economy and the growth of trade and handicraft manufacture, the cities of Italy found themselves strategically placed with respect to the world trade routes.  There followed what amounted to a communal revolution in Italy and a reorganization of the government of the Italian city-states under democratic and guild forms.  The expansion of the economic power of these cities went on apace into the end of the fifteenth century.  By the time Machiavelli came to the maturity of his powers, a  

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sharp contradiction set in.  The expansion had gone as far as the political limits of the communal organization allowed.

If the Italian city-states had been able to adjust themselves to the needs of an expanding economy by resolving their rivalries and joining in a united political structure, Italy might have been spared the two and a half centuries of humiliation and cultural aridness which followed the fall of the communes.  Elsewhere, however, in France, in England, in Spain, the expansion of political forms kept pace with the economic expansion.  Machiavelli lived in what, with our historical perspective, we now say to have been the beginnings of the Western nation-state system.  As we  

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know it, he was himself only dimly aware of it.  He was in no sense an articulate nationalist, and the fervor of his national feeling has probably been overestimated by commentators.  But two elements were historically to enter into the composition of the Western nation-state.  One was national unity and the ideas of a common tongue, common culture and common economic limits.  The second was a realistic concentration of power at the center in order to break down divisive barriers.  Machiavelli only dimly foresaw nationalism, but he very clearly expressed the second element - the realistic use of power from the center, the methods by which unity could be achieved.  

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Therein lies the importance of The Prince in the subsequent history of the Western world.  Machiavelli wrote a grammar of power, not only for the sixteenth century, but for the ages that have followed.  Read The Prince today and you will be struck by the detonations which his sentences set off in the corridors of our experiences with present-day rulers.  Machiavelli seen only in his historical context does become intelligible; but his greatness does not emerge until we see that when he wrote his grammar of power he came close to setting down the imperatives by which men govern and are governed in political communities, whatever the epoch and whatever the governmental structure.

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The Prince has become, for better or worse, a symbol of a whole body of literature and a whole approach to politics.  Just as in literature and art we must always face, under whatever names, the polar conflict of classic and romantic, so in the history of political thinking we have always to face the polar conflict between the ethical and the ruthlessly realistic.  The Prince is part of the world's polemical literature because it places itself squarely in the ranks of realism.  It brushes aside, with an impatience in which Machiavelli scarcely cares to conceal his disdain, the tender-mindedness of reformers and idealists.  

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There is in all of us, along with the ethical and normative strain, a strain of hard-headedness and of the acceptance of the framework of human passions and social reality within which we have to work.  One can trace it back to Aristophanes and the way in which he always deflated contemporary dreams and illusions by getting back to the essential limits of the human animal.  In every generation since him the young men have been divided between the pursuit of some passionate ideal and the hard-bitten inquiry into how things actually get accomplished in a real political world.  It is to that pole of our political thinking

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that The Prince gravitates.  As long as this strain will remain in politcal thinking, so long will The Prince be found to have expressed in undying prose its intensity and its temper.  

3

Very few who talk of The Prince have ever read more than a few sentences in it.  But fewer still have read the work of Machiavelli which, without having the same eclat in history as The Prince, is nevertheless the saner, the more rounded, the more comprehensive work.  I refer to The Discourses.

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It was the longer work on which Machiavelli was engaged when, because of political opportunism, he made a sudden sortie to finish The Prince.  He came back to it later.  He seems to have worked on it intermittently for the better part of a decade.  It bears to The Prince much the same relation that Marx's Capital bears to the Communist Manifesto.  It is the considered, comprehensive treatise.  Outwardly a commentary (unfinished) on the first ten books of Livy's History of Rome, it is actually a set of pensees, loosely gathered together into a book: reflections on politics which use Roman history as a point of departure.  It is clearly not a book which ever had a chance for real fame.  The very people who have written most about The Prince seem to have neglected The Discourses, and very few seem to

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have read it.  When we talk of Machiavellianism, it is The Prince we have in mind.  And that is perhaps as it should be.  But when we talk of Machiavelli, we must have The Discourses in mind as well.  For if we are to judge a man it is fairer to judge him by the book into which he sought to put his whole system of politics rather than by the pamphlet which he dashed off to win a friend and influence a personage.

Scholarship has not done well by The Discourses.  The scholars pay lip service to it as the large frame of reference within which The Prince can be understood.  Yet having done so, they go on to talk of The Prince.  Its structure is difficult and fragmentary.  Precepts drawn from Livy form

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the chapter heads.  There are whole sections that might easily be cut out  to improve the book.  A good editor today, receiving such a manuscript, would probably ask the author to cut it down to one-third and pull it together a bit.  Yet once read, The Discourses stay in your mind as an impressive intellectual experience.  And once read, whatever impression you have formed of Machiavelli through reading The Prince is rather drastically changed.  

What was the intellectual tradition that lay back of The Discourses?  In the case of The Prince, it was the mirror-of-princes medieval and humanistic

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literature.  Felix Gilbert has suggested in a recent article, and I think the suggestion is a sound one, that research into the literature of "the good state" both in Italian and in Greater European thought, might yield exciting results for an understanding of The Discourses.

However that may be, what are the basic ideas of The Discourses?  I should say the following: first, the superiority of the democratic republic to every other political form; second, the ultimate reliance even of despotic and authoritarian regimes on mass consent; third, the primary political imperative of cohesiveness, organic unity in a state, stability and survival; fourth, the great role of leadership (what Machiavelli calls the

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role of the law-giver, but what we should today call  leadership) in achieving this cohesiveness and survival; fifth, the imperative of military power in insuring survival and the need for putting on a mass base (he felt that war was the health of the state); sixth, the use of a national religion for state purposes, and the choice of one not for its supernatural validity, but for its power as a myth in unifying the masses and cementing their morale (Machiavelli's count against Christianity, like that of Nietzsche after him, was that by glorifying humility and pacifism and the weaker virtues, it dulled the fighting edge of a state); seventh, the need in the conduct even of a democratic state for the will to survive, and therefore for ruthless instead of half-hearted measures when ruthless measures were necessary;

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eighth, the idea, later  to be found in Vico and in our day in Spengler, of the cyclical rise and fall of civilizations due to the decadence and corruption of the old and the reinvigorating force of the new.

This is, of course, only a sampling of the vast riches to be found in The Discourses.  It is not a single-themed, monolithic book, such as Marx or Mill wrote.  It has a catholicity and vastness of resource which will make it yield different discoveries for every reader and on every reading.

This is not the place to discuss the themes I have mentioned.  I want only to say the if The Prince is great because of its intensity, The Discourses are great because of their variety; if The Prince is great  because it is polemical, The Discourses are great because it is  

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polemical, The Discourses are great because they have balance; and if The Prince is great because it gives us the grammar of power for a government, The Discourses are great because they give us the philosophy of organic unity not in a government but in a state, and the conditions under which alone a culture can survive.  

4

"The authentic interpreter of Machiavelli," Lord Acton has written in his erudite preface to Burd's great edition of The Prince, "is the whole of later history."  In the same essay he strings out a remarkable series of quotations from the great writers and statesmen of the last three or four centuries which show the impact that Machiavelli had on the European

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mind.  The history of that impact may be called the history of Machiavellianism.

It is clear that one element in the denunciation of Machiavellianism was the use of that symbol as a weapon of the Counter-Reformation.  Machiavelli was utterly secular in his thinking.  And when the Church, in assuming the aggressive against the religious reformers, sought something that could be set up as a secular devil-symbol in contrast to the ethical teachings of religion, it easily found what it sought in Machiavelli's writings.  At the same time also the same symbol could

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serve to brand with infamy the methods that were being used to set up and consolidate the new nation-states of Europe, the power of whose sovereigns was one of the great threats to church power.  And so the Church statesmen who had at first accepted The Prince, then ignored it, finally decided to attack it.  Under Leo, Clement, Paul III, it was tolerated.  But under Paul IV, in 1557, a generation after the Florentine's death, Machiavelli was put on the Index.  What is somewhat ironic about this is that the Church princes, like the secular princes, were among the principal followers of Machiavelli's precepts.  As Lord Acton (himself a Catholic) points out, the arguments used to excuse the massacres of the religious wars were drawn from Machiavelli.

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There is another important element in the history of Machiavellianism...so far, at least, as the English-speaking secular world is concerned.  Machiavelli entered our consciousness largely through the Elizabethan drama.  Wyndham Lewis has written a provocative, although erratic, book with the title The Lion And The Fox.  It takes its point of departure from a fact spelled out by scholars like Edward Meyer and more recently Mario Praz: that the figure of Machiavelli dominated the imagination of the Tudor dramatists.The meeting between Italian Renaissance culture and the Tudor mind contained an element of shock arising from novelty.  The English were, as is true of all cultural borrowers, at once attracted and repelled by the Italians.  

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Moreover, Tudor drama was enormously sensitive to world currents.  The result was that not only were there, as Meyer has pointed out, some 400 direct references to Machiavelli in the Elizabethan literature; but the Machiavelli figure, whether directly or indirectly, dominates as it does no other.  Iago was drawn from Machiavelli, as was Barabas.  Webster, Massinger, Ford, Marston, Ben Jonson, Shakespeare...they were all fascinated by the image they constructed of subtle cunning, of treachery, of the gap between outward seeming and inward being, all of which they thought of as Machiavellianism.  To the Tudor imagination, which has in turn so influenced our own, Machiavelli was the symbol that stood for the

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decadence, the corruption, the unfathomable depths of Renaissance Italy.  It was probably due to the fusion of the influence of church and stage that Machiavelli became associated in the popular mind with the Devil himself.  "Old Nick" became an epithet equally applicable to both.

It may therefore seem surprising that Tudor England had scarcely read Machiavelli at all.  The Discourses were not translated into English until 1636, The Prince until 1640.  The Elizabethans got their knowledge of Machiavelli from a French book attacking him, Gentillet's Anti-Machiavel.  And Gentillet gave just enough of Machiavelli to distort him, and not enough to make him either comprehensible or human.  This should not surprise us.  It is the essence of a symbol that its outlines should be shadowy.  What has first been sifted through the intellect is unlikely to

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ensnare the imagination.Had the Elizabethans really read The Discourses and The Prince, they would no doubt have been more just to the author, but their drama would have suffered and one of its type figures would have had to be scrapped.  By the time the translations were made, it was unfortunately (or shall we say fortunately?) too late to affect either their intelligence or their art.  The symbol had become fixed.

I have spoken of various historical reasons why the Elizabethans should have responded to the Machiavelli symbol, and Wyndham Lewis adds the fascination which the diabolical holds for the Puritan genius in every age.  Yet we come closer to the core of the truth when we remember that the Elizabethans had the same perverse and feverish preoccupation with the

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theme of death.  And, I am inclined to guess, for much the same reason. It unmasks the human animal. But for this very reason Machiavelli became the subject of attack from still another source: the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century absolute monarchy.  To be sure, we have a long roster of despots, benevolent and otherwise, who are reputed to have drunk in Machiavelli with their mothers' milk and were known as "Machiavellistae".  But we must remember, so black had Machiavelli's reputation become that if you wanted to hit a monarch, you had only to start a whispering campaign to the effect that he ruled according to Machiavelli's grammar.  The supreme irony was that Frederick the Great

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of Prussia, while still a young man, wrote a refutation of Machiavelli.  As Frederick's later career showed, Machiavelli had adumbrated the methods of the benevolent despots only too well.  His offense had been only to unmask them, to lay bare to the world the mechanisms of power which were behind the authority of the ruler.  Voltaire encouraged the young prince to write his treatise; but his comment on Frederick in his Memoirs is delicious:

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If Machiavelli had had a prince for a disciple, the first thing he would have recommended him to do would have been to write a book against Machiavellianism.

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But if Machiavelli was a butt and tool in the Age of Reason, he came into his own in the nineteenth century in the age of the new nationalism.  Men rediscovered Machiavelli the liberal, Machiavelli the democrat, Machiavelli the nationalist patriot.  In Germany, during and after the Napoleonic wars, the intellectuals rediscovered Machiavelli, and turned their fine gifts of scholarship toward him, with the characteristic result of a spate of Machiavelli studies.  The leader was Fichte, who made an analysis of Machiavelli part of his famous Address To The German Nation; and Hegel, who following Machiavelli made a cult of the state, taught that "the course

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of world history stands outside of virtue, blame and justice." And in Italy, Cavour and the leaders of the Risorgimento found in Machiavelli their ideal symbol.  What both the Italians and the Germans sought in him was what they needed fortheir movements of national liberation: the stress on cohesiveness, the pursuit of the main chance, the prime virtue of political survival.  The Germans took from him the concept of Staatraeson, opportunism justified by reasons of  state policy; and in the field of foreign affairs, Realpolitik.

In country after country the rediscovery of Machiavelli seems to have had an almost magical efficacy in stirring latent national and even reformist energies.  To complete the history of Machiavellianism, I need onl;y point out that for the recent collectivist movements as well he became an evocative figure.  H. G. Wells, in what is one of his really first-rate political

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novels, The New Machiavelli, dreamed of a "strengthened and perfected state" that blends Machiavelli with English Fabian humanitarianism.  Both Lenin and Mussolini did their work in the shadow of the Florentine.  The "old Bolshevik" Kamenev published a volume of Machiavelli selections with a sympathetic Introduction under the Soviet regime.  

Some years later, when he was tried and convicted in the purge trials, the Public Prosecutor used his Machiavelli editing job against him.  Mussolini also wrote an introductory essay to an edition of The Prince, and it was included in Volume IV of his Collected Works, although for a time he banned his own works from the national library.  Rauschning in

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his Voice of Destruction, which recounts his conversations with Hitler, asserts that Hitler ranked Machiavelli with Wagner as among the influences shaping his thought; and that he used to keep a copy of The Prince by his bedside.

5

It has become a truism to point out that Machiavelli is the father of power politics.  Whether a truism or not, it is still true.  Machiavelli, as ambassador and administrator, could not afford to do any wishful thinking. If he did, the penalty was swift and merciless: failure.  Which may not be a bad idea as a school for political theorists.  

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But to say that he was the father of power politics may have curiously erroneous applications, as if we were to say that Harvey was the father of the circulation of the blood.  Power politics existed before Machiavelli was everheard of; it will exist long after his name is only a faint memory.  What he did, like Harvey, was to recognize its existence and subject it to scientific study.  And so his name has come to be associated with it.

To be sure, Machiavelli's role is not totally innocent.  His grammar of power brought a  whole new world to consciousness. With one of

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Moliere's characters, the princes of Europe became aware that all their lives they had been talking prose. And the awareness led them to perfect their prose.  Frederick, Richelieu, Napoleon, Bismarck, Clemenceau, Lenin, Mussolini, Hitler, Stalin, have all gone to school to Machiavelli.  But by bringing the world to this awareness Machiavelli did what every creative figure does.  We might as well blame Shakespeare because, by creating Hamlet, he has intensified the agony of the indecisive and divided liberal.

Machiavelli has also been accused, and it is true, of being the father of the martial spirit, of propaganda techniques and of the totalitarian spirit.  But here again he anticipated things latent in the very texture of society and the state.  A reading of The Discourses should show that his thinking

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fathered many movements, democratic as well as dictatorial.  The common meaning he has for democrats and dictators alike is that, whatever your ends, you must be clear-eyed and unsentimental in pursuit of them and you must rest your power ultimately on a cohesive principle.

May I venture a guess as to the reason why we still shudder slightly at Machiavelli's name?  It is not only the tradition I have described.  It is our recognition that the realities he described are realities: that men, whether in politics, in business or in private life, do not act according to their

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professions of virtue; that leaders in every field seek power ruthlessly and hold on to it tenaciously; that the masses who are coerced in a dictatorship have to be wooed and duped in a democracy;  that deceit and ruthlessness invariably crop up in every state; and that while the art of being ruled has always been a relatively easy one, the art of ruling ourselves has always been monstrously difficult.

Machiavelli today confronts us with the major dilemma of how to adapt our democratic techniques and concepts to the demands of a world in which as never before naked power politics dominates the foreign field and determined oligarchies struggle for power internally.  It is not an easy dilemma to resolve.  And in a sense, just as the seventeenth and eighteenth century monarchs hated and feared Machiavelli because   

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he had exposed their authority to the world, so today we hate and fear him because he has exposed our dilemma and made it visible to ourselves and the world.

Let us be clear about one thing: ideals and ethics are important in politics as norms, but they are scarcely effective as techniques.  The successful statesman is an artist, concerned with nuances of public mood, approximations of operative motives, guesswork as to the tactics of his opponents, back-breaking work in unifying his own side by compromise and concession.  Religious reformers have often succeeded in bringing

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bringing public morale closer to some ethical norm; they have never succeeded as statesmen.  Even in the theocracies of Savoranola in Florence, Cromwell and the Puritans in England, our own New England colonies, the men of God, when they came to power, learned to play the game of power.  

The only difference between them and others is that, since they had a certitude of having a pipeline to God, they did not have to reckon at all with the uneasy factor of their conscience. The most destructive imperiialisms of the world have been those of men who have elevated their preferences to to the pinnacle of moral imperatives and who have then confidently proceeded to impose those imperatives on others.

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Today, as in Machiavelli's day, our world has become a collection of principalities struggling for survival, maneuvering for position, fighting for spoils.  The scale is bigger but the proportions are the same.  The strong men have come forward in every state, using the rhetoric of mass interest and national glory to extend their power and entrench their class.  The first law of internal policy is to hold on to power, of external policy it is to extend your imperialism.  Like Machiavelli, we live in a time of the breaking of nations.

Let it be said that Machiavelli in his day blundered as we are doing in ours.  He could not make up his mind whether what he wanted was a democratic Florence or a united Italy.  I think he must have felt, when he

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wrote The Prince, that democracy would somehow follow if unity was achieved.  There are some today who feel the same way about the attempts to achieve world integration through establishing a Russian Century or an American Century.  There are others who feel that no integration is worth the candle if democratic rights and human decencies are scrapped in the process.  In Machiavelli's writing you will find both attitudes, but more often the first.

This raises sharply, of course, the interminable question of ends and means.  Machiavelli would, I think, shrug his shoulders at the whole problem.  Machiavelli would, I think, shrug his shoulders at the whole  

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problem.  He himself, he would say, was an observer of politics.  And as such he would find it irrelevant to impose his own ethical patterns on the torrential flow of world history.

It is for this very reason that Machiavellianism, after everything has been said about it, fails to be an adequate philosophy for a way of life.  Men are not only observers, not only participants; they are also valuing individuals.  Without judgements life loses its hierarchial quality of being a choice between preferences.  And losing that, it loses its savor.

Machiavelli sought to distinguish the realm of what ought to be and the realm of what is.  He rejected the first for the second.  But there is a third realm: the realm of what can be.  It is in that realm that what one

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might call a humanist realism can lie.  The measure of man is his ability to extend this sphere of the socially possible.  We can start with our democratic values, and we can start also with Machiavelli's realism about tough-minded methods.  

To be realistic about methods in the politics of a democracy at home does not mean that you throw away all scruples, or accept the superior force of "reason of state", or embrace the police-state crushing of constitutional liberties.  To be realistic about the massing of power abroad in the economic and ideological struggle for the support of men and women throughout the world does not mean that you abandon the struggle for peace and for a constitutional imperium that can grow into a

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world republic.  We may yet find that an effective pursuit of democratic values is possible within the scope of a strong social-welfare state and an unsentimental realism about human motives."

-Max Lerner, Professor of American Civilization and Political Institutions, Brandeis University, from his Introduction to the 1950 Random House editon of The Prince and The Discourses by Niccolo Machiavelli

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So we have been running this number since 1587.  This is pretty dumb.

Our quality of life issues are not addressed as long as we are trained and employed by a group of people who disrespect our intelligence and then think they can dupe us into stupid economies.  And they are not wrong. They can as long as we only look at what we can get out of it as individuals and do not look at the bigger picture.  This is another paradox we must embrace.... we must develop ourselves as individuals to make a shift occur, but not only consider ourselves as individuals because  we must connect collectively to make the shift as well.  

So we be a collective of individuals....   

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In hindsight, even though the aristocracy can use us in stupid ways, does that mean they should?  We think this is unethical, illogical, and dispassionate.  We cannot care about humanity and allow this kind of interacting to continue.  This sucks.  So we at noodlebrain.com. and .tv and .org and .net are committed to bringing the real choices we can make if we just open our mind and our heart, and our body and our spirit.  

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Why should our men and women be driven to make Machiavellian choices and then lose touch with our ability to love, be civilized, and connect with others?

 

There are people who are ready to help us go deeper so we can let go of this dupeville crap.  

Will we open open open?  Let go, let go, let go, and really turn the light around to see a self that is gearing to commit to something that makes a difference and offers a quality life in return?  

We say yes.  Lets do.  So we read The Discourses now .........

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Commerce is the only way we have to distribute resources fairly.

If we were willing to do commerce with Iraq, by removing sanctions and allowing the demand and supply principles of the market to take over, the result would be a lower price for oil.

Because the Bush and Sharon administrations will not follow the rules of commerce, they instead are enacting the rules of imperialism for corporate profit by using the tax paying dollars of the American people to fund a war that will profit their pockets and raise the price of oil for us.

Is this stupid?  

Seriously...not only stupid, but horrifyingly dangerous to ourselves and to the people of Iraq.

We can buy the oil at a lower price if we would only allow the principles of the market within a democratic context to do commerce....  

more to come.....

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Public Education in a democratic country are paid for by tax dollars.  The people of a country are only as good as their educational practices.  What does a democracy owe to its public's education, but the very best that money can buy!

As it is, the war and crime industries have usurped the coffers budgeted for the kind of education our children need to run this country in the way it needs to be run if we are to continue to be a civilized nation.  

Best Practices in Education in this country over the last 20-30 years have been severely dumbed down.  Our children do not have adequate facilities, books, arts, sciences, critical thinking skills, opportunities for becoming prepared to enter the work force and empower our ability to continue to be a great nation.  Other western countries provide excellent public education, and make it possible for all of their members to become college graduates.  While we think America is the best, we are completely duped in this area.  The public school system has become so bad that the middle class fear to have their kids in those schools and go into great debt to enter their children into private schools.   If the school voucher program takes hold we might as well blatantly admit that we are publicly educating the poor to fill our prisons and our military because there will be no other opportunites for which they will be adequately

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trained.  This is not a practice of a democratic country.  This is the practice of a totalitarian goverment who will use politics to reserve resources selectively and make people live like crabs in a crab pot willing to pull down whoever they have to, to climb out.  This is not America, folks... and it is not our America since the Bushies have been planning our direction (Dad & son)...

It is ugly, mean-spirited, and really doesn't serve anyone.   When we live with an underclass who are uneducated and cannot live the TV life, you can bet they will get what they need through crime.  And that makes all of us unsafe.

Who ever thought such a design would slip through this great democratic society?  We can blame the survival and crisis issues we have to deal with, that simply do not give us time to see the bigger picture.

Now we are out of time.  We must act collectively and now and save this civilization.  If we refuse to educate our children well and leave them to the pigs of Machiavellian strategists,

we allow our country to become third world, right under our very noses, as a few gain entry to private schools in appeasement.   

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Do we really want to compete for the public service of educating our young when our tax dollars are supposed to be paying for that already so that we are all equal?  

Or have we given up the ideal in America that we are all created equal?  

With equal opportunity?  

Please think this through and don't be foolish.  

Money is just a form of exchange.  It is meaningless to the rich who are addicted to numbers.

When the poor get educated, they move out of poverty and move into the middle class.  We can have a large middle class base who are civilized and we just about had that not too long ago.  For the last thirty years the popular idea of being dumb, lazy, and getting away with crime has supported our clueless children into throwing their possibilities into the trash can, and letting this administration criminalize them, incarcerate them, or send them off to war if they will not settle for a McDonalds or some other minimum wage job.  

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Lets face it, one cannot make it on hamburger salary alone.  One needs to know the choices one can have when one chooses education over entropy.  And if they choose education, we need to have the resources standing by to assist the transition from stupid to smart.  

Or a lot of people are simply not going to make it.

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War is terrible.  It kills, maims, destroys  and rips apart cultures and social fabrics and family systems and burns the books, wreaks havoc on the fundamental building blocks of civilization.

more to come....

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Fundamental Laws may be hard to interpret and we may need a lawyer if we run up against them, but most fundamental laws have regulations in place so that we do not have to go to a lawyer for protection.  However, regulations are being ignored, and fundamental legal interpretations are pretending they don't exist while the naive public rely on dupeville practices to get them out of the hot water they were not supposed to ever be burnt by again...

Why?  Because we are being so stupid and are not paying attention, once again.

And we shouldn't have to be paying that much attention.  We do pay our legislators and our judges and our lawyers to practice and be our reliable experts and earn our public trust, and they have failed us over and over and over again.  

More to come....

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Modern medical practices have it that doctors cannot keep their licenses unless they are tied to a hospital, attend pharmaceutical seminars, and give away or prescribe products generated by those two industries.  And it seems that the processing of the cell salts out of the food pretty much guarantees that our bodies will break down when we rely on fast food for our main diet.  Given the pace of modern life, many people find the convenience too necessary, and cannot imagine using any time at all on the preparation and consumption of whole foods, so they get sick instead.

What a shameful practice.  I do not think doctors are aware of this trap when they first compete for medical school.  After four years of repression, and the accumulation of incredible debt, what else can they do but practice these practices?  

There is a serious conflict of interest in the way this works for the profiteers, and not for the public or the doctors.  The insurance industry, tied to the legal system, seems to be another

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A very large portion of our tax dollars, no matter which country we live in, fund both education  and security issues.  The more educated the population, the more secure.  However, if a government is held hostage to the war and crime industries recycling their trash products, then education is dumbed down and security issues ramped up... which creates the state of affairs that have been amassing for the last twenty years.   

The poorer populations, corralled by neighborhoods, are pretty much targeted to populate the military and the prisons and therefore the issue of education is not cost effective in their cases.

The poor do not know this.  They are too uneducated to consider it, but when they do, they may very well decide to participate as citizens creating a civilized society that will offer them more choices.  We hope this site inspires them to that very action.

In America, we are lucky in that, if we do get a clue, we can climb out of these circumstances and move on to more possibilities.  But if we are lazy and care only about the generation of pleasure and avoidance of pain, purely instinctual behavior, then we have no choice but to be

channeled down these tunnels.  Once the military service completes or prison time is done, if   

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we are still alive, we might find a job and have a family, and with Veterans Benefits, we might even get a chance to be educated or be helped to buy a house.  

How nice, this opportunity to live in debt for the rest of your life.  Big risk though.  

to be continued...

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But these people will still have to live with the underclass who do not have these skills nor access to this information and because of this, the issues of security become very real.  

to be continued.....

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Homeland Security... sounds kinda nazi to me... but this is the new name for domestic security... that means security within our own country.  Right now, we have very little.  I understand in Florida there are currently no inspections of the cargo that arrives in 16 deep water ports.  Why is this?  And what exactly is the Bush family importing?  The Opium from Afghanistan, perhaps?  The chemical warfare developed in Germany?  

If you work on these boats, please tell us.  

Hello..... is anybody wondering about this setup that could really wreak havoc on American citizens...  In Florida resides the training grounds for mercenaries and guerrilla warfare, the same spot in which the terrorists that caused 9-11 were trained to do so.

Folks... you need to know that we are in deep shit right now concerning our security issues.  Our politicians are so caught up in financial corruption that no one dares to speak out against what is happening because if they do they are killed, incarcerated, or dropped out.  

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It is likely we are being run by a bunch of criminals.  If we could get a hold of the financial records of these companies... (located in their banks on microfiche) the facts could be told, because it all lives in the financial data.   

to be continued....

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International Security... hmmmmm....

This scene is changing fast... will there be players that will stand up and defend our humanity

or will we all suffer from a third world war that decimates all we've ever known and installs a force so ugly that the concepts of liberty and freedom will live as dreamstates... or fantasies of what might have been... or was it ever really so?

One thing that came out in a book called "The Problem from Hell", is that it is not against International Law if a country wants to commit genocide (that means mass murder) on its own people.  So scary these issues.  

The wealthy people seem to have determined that life on the planet is cheap.  Now that they can clone... is it possible that the people who have completed suicidal missions were just clones, programmed all their life for that purpose?  Sounds very sci fi, but if you consider that we are the last to know, long after the first of everything has already been tested and market researched... anything could be possible at this point with no one minding the store.  

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.... America, by the way, and contrary to how we think our tax dollars are being spent, DOES NOT GET INVOLVED even when we know mass genocide is occurring inside a country unless we intend to install a government that will let us manage their resources.  

The pipeline is now being built in Afghanistan.  The oil of that region is now under US Military control... and we want Iraq now too..  

The sad thing is that if we removed sanctions and did simple commerce, ie. we offered money for the oil, there would be no need for violence, and the price of oil would go down for everyone.  But American, under Bush and Israel, under Sharon, want to own it, not buy it.  

So our tax dollars will pay for the aggressive take over of these precious resources that really belong to Iraq... makes you wonder why we are hated, yes?

to be continued....

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Police Forces are now funded with money taken from our Education budget, robbing our underclass of the ability to do commerce someday and take a place in the world outside of the worlds of war and crime.

The attraction of being on the police force comes from the fact that police are invested in by this economy while teachers and education is not.  Police have new cars, new guns, new training, and better salaries than teachers, while our kids have no books, no arts and sciences, and no training to get a decent job... and in effect become fodder for these police officers to have something to do, because really, when people are hungry, angry, and have to do crime to survive..... they will.  Yep.  Nothing rocket science about that..

We do agree to be participants in the corralling of our poor brothers and sisters who have no choice but to commit the crimes we charge them for, when we have an economy that will not offer the assistance and education our underclass needs to move forward and to get out of poverty.  We do become part of the system that divides and conquers us in this respect.  

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How?  By not seeing this futility, and by not participating in our political structures which are set up for us to manage our public interest regarding our tax dollars which are the resource from which government allocates funds.  

These poor uneducated folks have one or two choices, be a Cop or be a Robber?  In the prison or out of the prison... ?  One brother a cop, one a criminal as witnessed in what happened in Flint, Michigan when the auto industry left as depicted in Michael Moore's first movie: Roger and Me.  

Poor folks are not educated well enough to do any kind of non-violent commerce wherein they could learn to live peacefully and well among each other.  And we declare this is part of the design that keeps crime in place.  This also is not rocket science.  

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Please, if you are poor, don't be so lazy as to allow this intention of poorly laid plans to sway you into their game.  Getting an education is not really difficult, once we commit, and go through the first uncomfortable steps required to kick the brains into gear.  Once you clear that first shadow of doubt, the rest comes easy.

One thing about building confidence in our ability to learn, is to be patient enough with ourselves to get to the stage where we have evidence that we can imprint the brain with the ability to remember.  To train the brain, we write down what we need to remember, for tests, for getting to the points we need to remember to be in the world as a contributing member, and not as fodder for ridiculous industries out to harm us.  

Read it, write it, read it again, write it again. Do this enough times, and the brain will kick in  and begin to get it... we all have access to learning when given the opportunity to learn, and the tools to do.  

But as they say, you can lead a horse to water but you cannot make him drink?   

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You gotta be present and committed to drink and drink and drink the stuff that excites and turns you on.  When you do that you engage the heart and soul as well, and learning at that point actually becomes a challenge and more and more fun, as you reach moments of success that turn into acheiving your goals.

But this economy would rather you be lazy, watch tv and do the dirty work of war and filling their scum prison houses, like you don't matter.  And for them, in these purposes, you don't.

to be continued....

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Private Military Services are purchased by corporations all over the world.  They do the kind

of work that our government servicemen would get court martialled for if they tried to get away with it.  

How can we be funding this crap?????

more to come.

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A Non Profit is a company that may or may not file taxes, but in any event, income is not supposed to exceed expenses, hence the term non profit.   

Usually the income or revenue of the company are generated by donations, endowments, grants, benefits and the sale of below market priced goods and services made available to target markets specificied in the purpose of the non profit.  In other words, it is supposed to help people who are underprivileged or who lack the resources for the particular offerings as classified by the purpose of the non profit group.

more to come....

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You gotta apply to the IRS..........

more to come.

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A Machiavellian Non Profit is a company that has gotten 501C3 Status fraudulently, or a Non

Profit Company that practices duplicity and deceit in its business dealings.  

more to come...

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Churches have an enormous responsibility to not only their flocks, but to the Public Interest.   Churches have special Non Profit designations as charitable organizations.  They do not have to file tax reporting at all.  All they are obligated to do with the money they receive from donations, grants, endowments, benefits, etc., is to keep a list on file of who they give money to..... names, addresses, etc... but the contributions can be cash, and cash is not auditable beyond a signed cash receipt and they do not have to keep those... just a list.

more to come.....

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Enlightened Capitalism practices regarding Non Profit providers of goods and services demand first and foremost that any Non Profit actually generate goods and services that really

do serve the target market identified by their applied purpose as classified on record by the IRS.  

EC Non Profits are open to public audit.   That means that once a year the books are open for the public viewing.  Representatives of the flock and the government,  vendors and customers, all can have access to the goings on in a Non Profit, because its purpose is not to gain any advantage.  

more to come.....

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Links to Non Profits on the Web

more to come.....

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The type of government and taxes we are concerned with in this module are those of the American Democratic government.  The one considered to be the ideal and that all others are to suppose to model if they want to be declared a democracy.... or so we hear.

What does distinquish a Democracy from a Dictatorship, a Monarchy, a Totalitarian Government?

more to come

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The Purpose of a Democratic Government is to serve its people well.  

more to come...

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The Purpose of Taxes is to provide public goods and services at no cost to the collective.  Public goods and services include those items that we cannot go without and cannot depend on the market to cost efficiently provide for the common good.  

Examples of Public Goods and Services are the building of roads, the education of our children, the housing of the lower classes, the maintenance of a military, the salaries of public servants, the quality and distribution of water, a public system of transportation, the distribution of public utilities, the removal and storage of waste products, the public safety, the repair and maintenance of public buildings, parks, recreation centers, schools, and the guarantee of provisions that will insure public health.   

more to come.....

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Federal government provides goods and services for the entire country.

more to come......

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State government provides goods and services for the people that are residents of its own state.

more to come......

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City/County government provides goods and services for the people that are residents of its own city or county.  

more to come......

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Enlightened Capitalism steps out of the duplicitous world of Machiavelli and makes a marriage out of what the previous economic system would assess to be impossible.  The principles of Enlightenment are contrary to the current economics because those principles require illumination rather than ignorance, freedom rather than bondage.  We want to help ourselves to see through the veil of lies that make fodder of us for this current economy so that we can break out of it.  We have to become observers of what is so, generate meaning so that we can have a truth to stand for, and then say "what is so is so what", and begin to evolve.  We do not consider this be the final model, but only to be the springboard from which evolution can occur.  

How can we begin to assess the sea we swim in as an observer?  First we need to see ourselves, learn the truth about how our economies operate in our world,  and then imagine what can be possible when we become enlightened.  We release from belief systems that separate us from others, and fill the vacuum left from that black hole with a strong intention to participate in ways that give us the experience and realizations we need to generate wholesome commerce that serves us.  

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We at noodlebrain hold that it is possible for the people on this planet to wake up and make a conscious shift to a new economy that does not use the tools of commerce to destroy life, but to enhance and empower life.  We are not just talking about the lives of the people but of all life, plants and animals alike.  And we want to recover our human inheritances in the areas of Arts and Sciences, Gymnasium, and the critical thinking skills generated by the Humanities formerly laid to waste by Machiavelli's recycled trash concepts that do not serve us.

We are interested in generating the idea that we can invent and promote goods and services that will clean up this ugly mess  left over from war, crime and disease economies.  We will take the idea of Profit out of the trash can, and learn to use Capitalism in ways in which we benefit greatly from the contributions we make and offer others for just compensation.   

We discover how we can use language based in integrity and operating out of principles of enlightenment to get all of our needs met and have surplus enable us to not live in debt, but in harmony with our human natures, that only want to serve and our animal natures that want nothing less than to be divine in our service.   

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To begin to unravel our meaning for enlightened capitalism rendered impossible by Machiavelli and appearing like tinkerbell logic... we start with some definitions from our book of meanings.

Webster's Dictionary:

Enlighten: 1. archaic: to illuminate 2 a. to furnish knowledge to; INSTRUCT. b. to give spiritual insight to.  

Enlightened: 1. freed from ignorance and misinformation 2. based on full comprehension of the problems involved

Enlightenment: 1. the act or means of enlightening: the state of being enlightened 2. a philosophic movement of the 18th century marked by questioning of traditional doctrines and values, a tendency toward individualism, and an emphasis on the idea of universal human progress, the empirical method in science and the free use of reason - used with the 3. Buddhism: a final blessed state marked by the absence of desire or suffering.  

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Capital: 1. a stock of accumulated goods esp. at a specified time and in contrast to income received during a specified period, also: the value of these accumulated goods; accumulated goods devoted to the production of other goods; accumulated possessions calculated to bring in income. 2. net worth; capital stock; persons holding capital; advantage, gain

Capital Expenditures: an expenditure for long term additions or betterments properly chargeable to a capital assets account.  

Capital Gains Distribution: the part of a payment made by an investment company to its shareholders that consists of realized profits from the sale of securites and technically is not income.  

Capitalism: an economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of capital goods, by investments that are determined by private decision rather than state control, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods that are determined mainly by competition in a free market.  

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Capitalism then, despite the evil association and greed it conjures up, is merely the ability for private

individuals to find ways to offer goods to people using capital in the generation of products and to earn income from those sales of goods.  Two other types of economies that do not produce waste or require capital or large sums of money, are the service economies and the symbol economies.  

We produce income in service economies such as cleaning services, taxi services, nursing, computer hardware services or technical services, electronics, etc... arenas where we sell labor and not goods.  Services require nothing more than a declaration and the expertise to pull it off and of course the initial investments in tools, materials, supplies etc.    

We also produce income in what is known as the symbol economies and those are services that use symbols to generate income:  words, numbers, musical notes, computer programs, etc.  These data producers are the highest paid service providers and are generally identified as programmers, accountants, musicians, filmmakers, performers, speech writers, advertisers, etc.  

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When our services are meaningful or useful to others, they will seek and purchase them.  We offer these services as independent contractors who own our own businesses and can get our freedom back.  We offer in the Education section an Accounting Made Simple module for those who really want to consider the most important aspect of being in business and that is how money transactions are captured and reported, mandatory for generating and staying in business.  

In the section called "Natural Capitalism" we quote pieces from that book that consider ways in which the generation of products that effect our ecology and require huge capital investments can be done safely and reduce waste to food for our planet, rather than the toxic poisons released by current methods of generating product.

The most important piece about shifting from the concept of Machiavellian economics to and Enlightened Capitalism is the piece about the end products and services truly making a difference in the health and welfare of the planet and of mankind and all things living.  

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We share one possible vision of what Enlightened Capitalism might look like, from the book Natural Capitalism, by Paul Hawken, Amory Lovins and L. Hunter Lovins (Back Bay Books/Little, Brown and Co.; Sept. 1999.)

"Imagine for a moment a world where cities have become peaceful and serene because cars and buses are whisper quiet, vehicles exhaust only water vapor, and parks and greenways have replaced unneeded freeways.  OPEC has ceased to function because the proce of oil has fallen to five dollars a barrel, but there are few buyers for it because cheaper and better ways now exist to get the services people once turned to oil to provide.  Living standards for all people have dramatically improved, particularly for the poor and those in developing countries.  Involuntary unemployment no longer exists, and income taxes have largely been eliminated.  Houses, even low-income housing units, can pay part of their mortgage costs by the energy they produce; there are few if any active landfills; worldwide forest cover is increasing; dams are being dismantled; atmospheric CO2 levels are decreasing for the first time in two hundred years; and effluent water leaving factories is cleaner than the water coming into them. Industrialized countries have reduced resource use by 80 percent while improving the quality

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of life. Among these technological changes, there are important social changes.

"The frayed social nets of Western countries have been repaired. With the explosion of family-wage jobs, welfare demand has fallen.  A progressive and active union movement has taken the lead to work with business, environmentalists, and government to create "just transitions" for workers as society phases out coal, nuclear energy, and oil.  In communities and towns, churches, corporations, and labor groups promote a new living-wage social contract as the least expensive way to ensure the growth and preservation of valuable social capital.  Is this the vision of a utopia?  In fact, the changes described here could come about in the decades to come as the result of economic and technological trends already in place.

"This book is about these and many other possibilities.

"It is about the possibilities that will arise from the birth of a new type of industrialism, one that differs in its philosophy, goals, and fundamental processes from the industrial system that is the standard today.  In the next century, as human population doubles and the resources

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available per person drop by one-half to three-fourths, a remarkable transformation of industry and commerce can occur.  Through this transformation, society will be able to create a vital economy that uses radically less material and energy.  This economy can free up resources, reduce taxes on personal income, increase per capita spending on social ills (while simultaneously reducing those ills), and begin to restore the damaged environment of the earth.  These necessary changes done properly can promote economic efficiency, ecological conservation, and social equity.

"The industrial revolution that gave rise to modern capitalism greatly expanded the possibilities for the material development of humankind.  It continues to do so today, but at a severe price.  Since the mid-eighteenth century, more of nature has been destroyed than in all prior history.  While industrial systems have reached pinnacles of success, able to muster and accumulate human-made capital on vast levels, natural capital, on which civilization depends to create economic prosperity, is rapidly declining, and the rate of loss is increasing proportionate to gains in material well-being.  Natural capital includes all the familiar resources used by humankind: water, minerals, oil, trees, fish, soil, air, et cetera.  But it also encompasses living

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systems, which include grasslands, savannas, wetlands, estuaries, oceans, coral reefs, riparian corridors, tundras, and rainforests.  These are deteriorating worldwide at an unprecedented rate.  Within these ecological communities are the fungi, ponds, mammals, humus, amphibians, bacteria, trees, flagellates, insects, songbirds, ferns, starfish, and flowers that make life possible and worth living on this planet.

"As more people and businesses place greater strain on living systems, limits to prosperity are coming to be determined by natural capital rather than industrial prowess.  This is not to say that the world is running out of commodities in the near future.  The prices for most raw materials are at a twenty-eight-year low and are still falling.  Supplies are cheap and appear to be abundant, due to a number of reasons: the collapse of the asian economies, globalization of trade, cheaper transport costs, imbalances in market power that enable commodity traders and middlemen to squeeze producers, and in large measure the success of powerful new extractive technologies, whose correspondingly extensive damage to ecosystems is seldom given a monetary value.   After richer ores are exhausted, skilled mining companies can now

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level and grind up whole mountains of poorer-quality ores to extract the metals desired.  But while technology keeps ahead of depletion, providing what appear to be ever-cheaper metals, they only appear cheap, because the stripped rainforest and the mountain of toxic tailings spilling into rivers, the impoverished villages and eroded indigenous cultures---all the consequences they leave in their wake---are not factored into the cost of production.

"It is not the supplies of oil or copper that are beginning to limit our development but life itself. Today, our continuing progress is restricted not by the number of fishing boats but by the decreasing numbers of fish; not by the power of pumps but by the depletion of aquifiers; not by the number of chainsaws but by the disappearance of primary forests.  While living systems are the source of such desired materials as wood, fish or food, of utmost importance are the services they offer, services that are far more critical to human prosperity than are nonrenewable resources.  A forest provides not only the resource of wood but also the services of water storage and flood management.  A healthy environment automatically supplies not only clean air and water, rainfall, ocean productivity, fertile soil, and watershed resilience but also such less-appreciated functions as waste processing (both natural and industrial),

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buffering against the extremes of weather, and regeneration of the atmosphere.

"Humankind has inherited a 3.8-billion-year store of natural capital.  At present rates of use and degradation, there will be little left by the end of the next century.  This is not only a matter of aesthetics and morality, it is of the utmost practical concern to society and all people.  Despite reams of press about the state of the environment and rafts of laws attempting to prevent future loss, the stock of natural capital is plummeting and the vital life-giving services that flow from it are critical to our prosperity." 1

"CONVENTIONAL CAPITALISM

"Following Einstein's dictum that problems can't be solved within the mind-set that created them, the first step toward any comprehensive economic and ecological change is to understand the mental model that forms the basis of present economic thinking. The mind-set of the present capitalist system might be summarized as follows:

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"The origins of this worldview go back centuries, but it took the industrial revolution to establish it as the primary economic ideology.  This sudden, almost violent, change in the means of production and distribution of goods, in sector after economic sector, introduced a new element that redefined the basic formula for the creation of material products: Machines powered by water, wood, charcoal, coal, oil, and eventually electricity accelerated or accomplished some or all of the work formerly performed by laborers.  Human productive capabilities began to grow exponentially.  What took two hundred workers in 1770 could be done by a single spinner in the British textile industry by 1812.  With such astonishingly improved productivity, the labor force was able to manufacture a vastly larger volume of basic necessities like cloth at a greatly reduced cost.  This in turn rapidly raised standards of living and real wages, increasing demand for other products in other industries.  Further technological breakthroughs proliferated, and as industry after industry became mechanized, leading to even lower prices and higher incomes, all of these factors fueled a self-sustaining and increasing demand for transportation, housing, education, clothing, and other goods, creating the foundation of modern commerce.

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"The past two hundred years of massive growth in prosperity and manufactured capital have been accompanied by a prodigious body of economic theory analyzing it, all based on the fallacy that natural and human capital have little value as compared to final output.  In the standard industrial model, the creation of value is portrayed as a linear sequence of extraction, production, and distribution: Raw materials are introduced. (Enter nature, stage left.)  Labor uses technologies to transform these resources into products, which are sold to create profits.  The wastes from production processes, and soon the products themselves, are somehow disposed of somewhere else.  (Exit waste, stage right.)  The "somewheres" in this scenario are not the concern of classical economics: Enough money can buy enough resources, so the theory goes, and enough "elsewheres" to dispose of them afterward.

"This conventional view of value creation is not without its critics.  Viewing the economic process as a disembodied, circular flow of value between production and consumption, argues economist Herman Daly, is like trying to understand an animal only in terms of its circulatory system, without taking into account that it also has a digestive tract that ties

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it firmly to its environment at both ends. But there is an even more fundamental critique to be applied here, and it is one based on simple logic.  The evidence of our senses is sufficient to tell us that all economic activity---all that human beings are, all that they can ever accomplish---is embedded within the workings of a particular planet.  That planet is not growing, so the somewheres and elsewheres are always with us.  The increasing removal of resources, their transport and use, and their replacement with waste steadily erodes our stock of natural capital.

"With nearly ten thousand new people arriving on earth every hour, a new and unfamiliar pattern of scarcity is now emerging.  At the beginning of the industrial revolution, labor was overworked and relatively scarce (the population was about one-tenth of current totals), while global stocks of natural capital were abundant and unexploited.  But today the situation has been reversed: After two centuries of rises in labor productivity, the liquidation of natural resources at their extraction cost rather than their replacement value, and the exploitation of living systems as if they were free, infinite, and in perpetual renewal, it is people who have become an abundant resource, while nature is becoming disturbingly scarce.

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"Applying the same economic logic that drove the industrial revolution to this newly emerging pattern of scarcity implies that, if there is to be prosperity in the near future, society must make its use of resources vastly more productive---deriving four, ten, or even a hundred times as much benefit from each unit of energy, water, materials, or anything else borrowed from the planet and consumed.  Achieving this degree of efficiency may not be as difficult as it might seem because from a materials and energy perspective, the economy is massively inefficient.  In the United States, the materials used by the metabolism of industry amount to more than twenty times every citizen's weight per day---more than one million pounds per American per year.  The global flow of matter, some 500 billion tons per year, most of it wasted, is largely invisible.  Yet obtaining, moving, using, and disposing of it is steadily undermining the health of the planet, which is showing ever greater signs of stress, even of biological breakdown.  Human beings already use over half the world's accessible surface freshwater, have transformed one-third to one-half of its land surface, fix more nitrogen than do all natural systems on land, and appropriate more than two-fifths of the planet's entire land-based primary biological productivity. The doubling of these burdens with rising population will displace many of the millions of other species, undermining the very web of life.

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"The resulting ecological strains are also causing or exacerbating many forms of social distress and conflict.  For example, grinding poverty, hunger, malnutrition, and rampant disease affect one-third of the world and are growing in absolute numbers; not surprisingly, crime, corruption, lawlessness, and anarchy are also on the rise (the fastest-growing industry in the world is security and private police protection); fleeing refugee populations have increased throughout the nineties to at least tens of millions; over a billion people in the world who need to work cannot find jobs, or toil at such menial work that they cannot support themselves or their families; meanwhile, the loss of forests, topsoil, fisheries, and freshwater is, in some cases, exacerbating regional and national conflicts.

"What would our economy look like if it fully valued all forms of capital, including human and natural capital?  What if our economy were organized not around the lifeless abstractions of neoclassical economics and accountancy but around the biological realities of nature?  What if Generally Accepted Accounting Practice booked natural and human capital not as a free amenity in putative inexhaustible supply but as a finite and integrally valuable factor of production?  What if, in the absence of a rigorous way to practice such accounting, companies

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started to act as if such principles were in force?  This choice is possible and such an economy would offer a stunning new set of opportunities for all of society, amounting to no less than the next industrial revolution.

"CAPITALISM AS IF LIVING SYSTEMS MATTERED

"Natural capitalism and the possibility of a new industrial system are based on a very different mind-set and set of values than conventional capitalism. It's fundamental assumptions include the following:

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The environment is not a minor factor of production but rather is "an envelope containing, provisioning, and sustaining the  entire economy."

The limiting factor to future economic development is the availability and functionality of natural capital, in particular, life-supporting services that have no substitutes and currently have no market value.

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Misconceived or badly designed business systems, population growth, and wasteful patterns of consumption are the primary causes of the loss of natural capital, and all three must be addressed to achieve a sustainable economy.

Future economic progress can best take place in democratic, market-based systems of production and  distribution in which all forms of capital are fully valued, including human manufactured, financial, and natural capital.

One of the keys to the most beneficial employment of people, money, and the environment is radical increases in resource productivity.

Human welfare is best served by improving the quality and flow of desired services delivered, rather than by merely increasing the total dollar flow.

Economic and environmental sustainability depends on redressing global inequities of income and material well-being.

 =`b@  ExTS@  3KI s˞=LIz4fP’f$zV "@I !XꧨPϱb.zsDzĆ cՐ˞C=Q Yę ӡ==Y $(eOR=LIlzQYSĕO%== $(hP=HV 2@f$L1$g ˞L)s`C=s˞=,3!=B s ɞ$\!XĖɞC=Q :Sc˞=Jzz a [~0A3("This book introduces four central strategies of natural capitalism that are a means to enable countries, companies, and communities to operate by behaving as if all forms of capital were valued. Ensuring a perpetual annuity of valuable social and natural processes to serve a growing population is not just a prudent investment but a critical need in the coming decades. Doing so can avert scarcity, perpetuate abundance, and provide a solid basis for social development; it is the basis of responsible stewardship and prosperity for the next decade and beyond.  "9c@     )2A3(

"1. RADICAL RESOURCE PRODUCTIVITY. Radically increased resource productivity is the cornerstone of natural capitalism because using resources more effectively has three significant benefits: It slows resource depletion at one end of the value chain, lowers pollution at the other end, and provides a basis to increase worldwide employment with meaningful jobs.  The result can be lower costs for business and society, which no longer has to pay for the chief causes of ecosystem and social disruption.  Nearly all environmental and social harm is an artifact of the uneconomically wasteful use of human and natural resources, but radical resource productivity strategies can nearly halt the degradation of the biosphere, make it more profitable to employ people, and thus safeguard against the loss of vital living systems and social cohesion.

"2. BIOMIMICRY. Reducing the wasteful throughput of materials---indeed, eliminating the very idea of waste---can be accomplished by redesigning industrial systems on biological lines that change the nature of industrial processes and materials, enabling the constant reuse of materials in continuous closed cycles, and often the elimination of toxicity.

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"3. SERVICE AND FLOW ECONOMY.  This calls for a fundamental change in the relationship between producer and consumer, a shift from an economy of goods and purchases to one of service and flow.  In essence, an economy that is based on a flow of economic services can better protect the ecosystem services upon which it depends.  This will entail a new perception of value, a shift from the acquisition of goods as a measure of affluence to an economy where the continuous receipt of quality, utility, and performance promotes well-being. This concept offers incentives to put into practice the first two innovations of natural capitalism by restructuring the economy to focus on relationships that better meet customers' changing value needs and to reward automatically both resource productivity and closed-loop cycles of materials use.

"4. INVESTING IN NATURAL CAPITAL. This works toward reversing worldwide planetary destruction through reinvestments and sustaining, restoring, and expanding stocks of natural capital so that the biosphere can produce more abundant ecosystem services and natural resources.

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"All four changes are interrelated and interdependent; all four generate numerous benefits and

opportunities in markets, finance, materials, distribution, and employment. Together, they can

reduce environmental harm, create economic growth, and increase meaningful empoloyment." 2

1. "The Next Industrial Revolution", from Natural Capitalism by Hawken, Lovins & Lovins, pgs. 1-3

2. ibid, pgs. 6-11

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